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Before we start, I'm going to be going up to where?

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Going to go up to the, up to 43rd Street.

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Turn right on 43rd Street, take the Dan Ryan, go up over to 30, you'll hear him in the

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pulpit.

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I'll bet.

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Yeah, I actually, wow.

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Oh, he is something else.

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Such a strong, really a strong man, you know, he's, when people say things to him, you know,

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I remember the first time that I asked him about his support to me, which was in like

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a couple of elections ago.

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And I was going in to talk to him, you know, and we knew each other, but not nearly like

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we know each other.

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And basically, we knew each other more by reputation than we did really knowing.

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And so I had gotten to know him where I would, at least knew, where he knew who I was and

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so forth.

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So I got time for the endorsement.

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And I said to him, I said, knowing that his church is really like the, his church is really

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the, Jesse is an associate pastor there or an assistant pastor, whichever one you want

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to call him.

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And his congregation is deeply rooted in Operation Push and so forth.

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So I didn't know, you know, where he, how far he could go out.

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He seemed favorable to the mayor, but I didn't know.

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So I said to him, I said, well, I said, we're going to, I said, like to have some guys to

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endorse the mayor.

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I said, but I can understand if you're not, he said, Chuck, he says, I'm going to be for

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him.

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He says, if I'm going to be for him, he says, I'm going to say I'm for him.

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He says, and no, he said, I'm not going to take any back steps at all.

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He said, I'm for him.

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He says, and I'm going to let everybody know I'm for him.

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And I want everybody else to vote for him.

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And he has been that kind of guy.

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You know, nothing shady about him at all.

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Yeah.

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Let's hold off.

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Well, anybody who's in command and the way ministers are, just their character, you know,

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they are, they have big egos.

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And yes, you do.

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And but you just have to, over a period of time, you learn how to work with them, you

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know, and let it go.

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But they are a great group of guys to work with because I think that everything that

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I talked about, basically, you've seen that they were saying, you know, like I said, the

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holistic ministry, most of the ministers today understand they just can't, just can't preach

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about the gospel and what the moral thing should be.

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It's also about taking care of people while they're here on earth, you know, and that's

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where they are, basically.

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And the good ministers, I mean, the ones who have big congregations, that's where they

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are.

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You were saying something also, I think, last week about all the different kinds of people

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you have to invite.

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I mean, if I was to ask you, why can't you just invite one powerful minister and have

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him come after the mayor and down for the mayor?

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Because that wouldn't represent all of the different denominations.

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Everybody has to see their people involved in an endorsement session like that.

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Everybody who's in charge of large groups, you have to make sure that they have a chance

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to speak.

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They have to see their people involved.

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Well, you know, it's just like if you had a situation where you were asking Hispanics

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to come and endorse the mayor.

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You couldn't have a Mexican speaking for a Puerto Rican.

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They want to see the Puerto Rican guy speak or the Cuban guy, you know.

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Everybody's got to have his own speaking and that's the way the ministers are.

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So for example?

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For example?

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Well, for an example, Bishop Louis H. Ford is the head of the Churches of God in Christ.

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And while Bishop Ford might not, he has his own endorsement techniques and so forth, but

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yet he will send his representatives to an endorsement session where all the other ministers

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are going to be.

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Bishop Brazier is the head of all of the apostolic churches in the city.

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And even though there are about, I think there are four other, four or five other apostolic

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bishops in the city of Chicago, Bishop Brazier is generally recognized as the leader of the

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apostolic church in the city of Chicago.

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We have Bishop Davis, his diocese is actually in the state of New York, but he lives and

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resides in the city of Chicago.

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I guess what I was asking is that if, I remember you ticked off all the different denominations

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that were there.

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And if you could just, we just need to, that's sort of a really interesting thing.

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It speaks to the diversity in the black community for one thing.

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Okay, well in the denominations you have the Baptists, you have the Methodists, you have

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the United Methodists, you have the Christ Methodists, you have the AME Church which

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is the African American Methodist Episcopal Church, you have the Lutheran Church, you

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have the Spiritual Church, you have...

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But they all want their say and they all want to be recognized.

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And you can't have a Baptist minister up speaking only when the bishop of the AME, the African

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American Episcopal Church is in the audience as well.

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Just can't be, the Churches of God and Christ, you can't have that.

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Okay?

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That was it, yeah.

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Okay, I'm up.

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Down the river down there.

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A piece of my copper come off last night off my house.

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Is this the right way?

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Yeah, yeah, off the...

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And you're right over here on the left, aren't you?

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I'm right here where this big car is.

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Right here.

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Right here?

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Okay.

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When I ask you a question like, what's politics like in Chicago, then you should just start

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by saying, you know, politics in Chicago is.

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Yeah, what politics in Chicago is like.

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Okay, so I'm going to throw you a softball over here because you might know something

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about this.

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What's politics like in Chicago?

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Politics is like in Chicago is like no other place in the world.

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This is the major league of the political world in the city of Chicago.

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It's a city of neighborhoods and the ethnic diversity of our city lends to the politics

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and it's a fascinating business being in politics in the city of Chicago.

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I've had people who were just hangers-on basically and what I want to call my friends

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on, but my barber, who was the guy who cut my hair and he left Chicago, went to Phoenix,

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Arizona, became basically one of the biggest guys in politics in Phoenix, Arizona.

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I have another friend who went to Oakland, California, who was just one of the guys and

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he's an advisor to the mayor in Oakland now and so forth.

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When people leave Chicago, they're well equipped to know about politics anyplace.

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You came up in the political ranks over here.

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How did politics work here on a street level?

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How does the organization work from your experience?

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Well, as I experienced it, I came into politics in 1955 probably at the height of the

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Dawson era.

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Congressman Dawson was the political leader of five southside wards at the time.

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Our organization was built on service, service to our neighbors.

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We had a precinct, an organization was organized around the precinct.

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Precinct normally around 550 to 600 voters in each precinct, an ward.

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Ward normally with 60 precincts and each precinct then divided with 500 to 700,

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five, 600 registered voters in each one.

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Might have been 700 people in the precinct, but only maybe five to 600 who were actually registered

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voters.

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The precinct captain was the link between the commitment and the people and he took care of

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the party's business and those candidates sponsored by the political party.

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It was based though on what kind of service we could give, what kind of community service we

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could give. We had an interest in the schools, we had an interest in everything that dealt with

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politics in the ward.

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So did you consider back in those days, I mean was the precinct captain the most important person in

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the organization in terms of that individual voter?

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Well no, no question about it. He was the, he was the link.

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Start by saying the precinct captain, but you have to say the precinct captain, so no question.

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The precinct captain was the greatest link to the voter in the war. He was the, he was the person who

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on a day-to-day basis was expected to see the people, talk to them, to see what their needs were.

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And he kept in touch with everybody. He knew when a new baby was born, when somebody died,

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what the needs of the people were, who didn't have food, those kinds of things. And we took care

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of the people and their needs, their basic needs.

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Now in those days was the, in a black, in a plaque precinct, would the precinct leader be

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white or black? Most in a black ward, in those days in, if the ward was already a black ward,

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and it was in say on the south side, in the south side area, when I came, when I came on board,

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the five wards on the south side, the second, the third, the fourth, the sixth, and the 20th,

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they were already black wards with black ward commitment. On the west side, however,

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the wards were changing where the voting population was black, but the precinct captains

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and the ward commitment, the aldermen were still white. And that changed around 1960.

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I think they had the first election of a black alderman on the west side in 1963. Ben Lewis was

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the first black alderman on the west side. I believe that was 1963. That was the first time

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that, and that change came very rapidly after that time. And of course, the south side wards were

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expanding, and every time they expanded, it was because the neighborhood became African American,

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and therefore an African American would take over as a ward commitment.

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Now you came into the organization of Congressman Dawson. Tell us about Congressman Dawson and his

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importance and what his organization was like. Well, in my opinion, Congressman Dawson,

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he was the, he epitomized what an organization should be. He had been an officer in World War

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I in the Army. He had gotten his law degree at Northwestern University. He worked on the railroad

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as a Pullman porter. So, and he was a lawyer, and he knew just what an organization, the discipline

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needed in an organization, and that's the way the organization was set up. Whatever he said,

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that was what we did. And when somebody disagreed with the congressman, he would say to you very

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quickly, now if you want to run your own organization, get you some precinct captains and

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let's start a fight. And that was his way. And of course, nobody wanted to start a fight with

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the congressman because he was all powerful. Was he hands-on? He was a hands-on operator. Yes,

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he had a hands-on operation. The congressman knew the wine heads on the street. He knew the doctors,

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the lawyers. People could approach him, no matter who they were, they could stop him on the street

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and talk to him. He would stop his car and get out and go. He had only one, you know, he had a false leg,

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but he would walk for blocks down the street just to talk to people. And on Saturday mornings,

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when we would be in the headquarters, people would bring to the headquarters hams and

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spaghetti and food for us during the day and bake cakes and bring coffee. And that was not at election time,

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that was like on any given Saturday, somebody would fix a lunch and bring it to the headquarters and

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those guys who played pinnacle would be there with the congressman playing pinnacle. And of course,

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while he was having a pinnacle game, he was of course asking questions as to what was going on

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and so forth. And we had an organization where many times, 10, 11 o'clock at night, we were going to

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the hospital to take somebody who couldn't get an ambulance for a sick person to go to the hospital.

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Somebody was at the headquarters to render that kind of service to them. So it was definitely

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a hands-on kind of organization. Now how did you get involved? And you were telling us about how

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the congressman used to use you at meetings as an example. Yeah, well, I got involved because I was

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of course at that time young and full of enthusiasm. And I lived with my family in the Harold L. Ickes

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CTA driver and the precinct captain came by and a friend of mine told me, said, I'd been refused

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because I'd taken the examination and they told me for the first time that I was colorblind.

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And a friend of mine said, well, they might have made a mistake and maybe your precinct captain

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can get them to re-examine your eyes. So I talked to the precinct captain and we had a long

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conversation and he said to me, he says, why don't you become my representative in the Young

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Democrats? And I said, I don't know anything about that. He says, well, he says, come down to the

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organization and be a part of the organization and you can be my representative in the Young Democrats.

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And I agreed to do that and I kind of caught the eye of the congressman because I was asking a lot

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of questions and every time somebody would say something, I'd have something to say. So he said,

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well, he says, you think you're pretty smart. And he was standing in the back of the room and he said,

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you think you're pretty smart? I said, no. I said, I don't, I just want to know. He said, well,

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I'll tell you what we'll do. So can we pick up the story again right before he said he made you a

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president? And he said, well, I'm a president. And he said, well, I'm a president. And he said,

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well, I'm a president. And he said, well, I'm a president. And he said, well, I'm a president.

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And he said, well, I'm a president. And he said, well, I'm a president. And he said, well, I'm a

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president. And he said, well, I'm a president. And he said, well, I'm a president. And he said,

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well, I'm a president. And he said, well, I'm a president. And he said, well, I'm a president.

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I was like at the number 10 position in the ward, which is a pretty honorable position to be in.

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You got 60 precents and you're in the top 10. So I just made the top 10.

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Now, what do you mean by the number 10 district? Can you explain it to us?

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Okay. What I mean by the number, the 10th precents are taken in rank. The, the precent that brings

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in the best vote for an election is the number one precent and right down the line. So if you're the

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number 10th precent, it means that you were the 10th best precent in the ward. And so I was like

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the 10th best precent in my first election. And I discussed it with a friend of mine who was Alan

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Hunt at the time, who was a Congressman's secretary. And I said to him, I said, you know,

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if I'd spent a hundred dollars, I'd have been two or three in the, in, in, in the rankings.

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And he said to me, he said, wouldn't it have been worth it? And from that day on,

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I did whatever I had to do to make sure that I had the workers on the street, that I took care

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of my precent, made sure that I had poll watchers to make sure that I had taken care of people in

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the precent so that I would get a good vote. And after my first election, then on for 11 years,

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I was the number one precent captain in the second ward. And my last vote in the precent was 508 to

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three. And the old man would use me when I say the old man, I mean, Congressman Dawson,

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because I was the youngest precent captain in the ward for many years, actually. I would,

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he would ask me to at the last, the last Friday before an election, which was always on a Tuesday,

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he would ask me to come up and say a word at the end. And I would always kind of stick it to the

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other precent captains by saying, you know, I'm the youngest precent captain in this ward,

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and you should be out, you should be out voting me, but you're not, and you're not going to out

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and the precent captains would have the chairs up and telling me they're going to beat me and

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they're going to get me, you know, and I mean, some of them will be really demonstrative

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in their conversations, you know, about what they wanted to do to me. But everybody always,

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it was, it was his way of lighting a fire under everybody, no matter what election,

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no matter what time it was, we, we didn't have anybody else to fight, not really the Republicans.

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We fought ourselves as to which one was going to bring in the top vote. And that's the way,

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that's the way our organization was. This was the, the second ward was the mother ward of all the

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black wards in the city of Chicago. It was the first and it was the most powerful ward in the,

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in the city of Chicago and so far as African Americans are concerned.

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This was the time when Mayor Daley, the old man was mayor.

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In 1955, we elected Mayor Richard J. Daley the first time and it was Congressman Dawson's

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organization that really put the, put the mayor over the first time because the Tribune would

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ran an editorial and a cartoon and they had Mayor Daley who was at that time the, the county clerk

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and they had him sitting on Dawson's lap and Dawson, they had Dawson pictured with a big cigar

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and a derby hat and call him boss Dawson and like Daley was his puppet and I guess that was to

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spur the white vote to, to vote for his opposition and but we carried the day because

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we, we produced the, the real vote and the real margin of victory for the mayor at that time.

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That was Daley's secret weapon wasn't as a relationship with, you were telling us about

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his relationship with, with, with Congressman Dawson? I think it was. There's no question that,

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that was his, his real, that was his bat. That was his, the bat that he used against all of

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his enemies was Congressman Dawson because of the kind of vote we could produce out here.

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What about all the talk that Daley and black, black voters and black politicians were

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enemies? See that's, that's, that's the thing that people I think will be surprised.

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They don't know Chicago politics. Well that comes in a different era. What happened was as Daley rose

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up in the ranks and gained his own statue as a mayor, the blight vote became diluted

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and because, and what I mean when, because as, as blikes moved here from the south,

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as blikes started to move out into other areas, the independent movement started to take hold

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and as the independent movement started to take hold, that diluted the democratic vote from blikes

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in the city of Chicago. So we didn't have as much influence and the, and the other part of it was

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Dawson was getting older. Dawson was, I think Dawson died in 1969. He had to be 81 years old

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when he died. He was in senility when, when he passed. He was not the same Dawson that I knew in

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1955 obviously and so we were, we lost that and we really didn't have the chain of command to pick up

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where Dawson left off. There, there was a fight that ensued between Metcalfe and Holman at the time

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who were two powerful aldermen for the seat that Dawson was, had left behind and the blight vote

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was splintered and the blight power of course was splintered and did not regain that kind of

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importance until the election of Harold Washington in reality.

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So what's the position now of the blight vote in Chicago?

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Well, diluted only from the, from the strength that we don't, that we're not exercising the

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right to vote. We're not voting. The blight vote is there. The vote is there. The numbers are there.

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They are not exercising that right to vote and therefore it's, it's just not, the, the,

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the power is diluted but I think that the church has rallied much in the last three or four years.

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I think that the church has rallied a lot of the, the, the power. At least they have a,

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they have an open door to the mayor. The mayor sees them as a, as a base of strength and I think

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that that is something that's building and, and, and coming back now. So I would think that

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it will, you will start to see it come back and I think really the, the, the Republican election

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is going to have a big effect on African Americans because thus far they haven't,

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they just haven't had enough time to see what the repercussions are going to be.

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But once they start to see what's going to happen under this contract with America and how it's

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going to affect minorities, the taking away things like affirmative action where many

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black contractors and, and companies have made money, especially here in Chicago, to see that

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diluted, to see the summer jobs program kind of fall by the wayside is going to

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wake up and people vote. Their motivation to vote is when they get angry. They,

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that's what makes them come alive and understand that they need to exercise their right to vote.

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Now in the community as we travel around the city, there seems to be, you know, there are

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different tugs on the community. I mean, you've got people, you know, who are obviously have ties

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to Mayor Daley, you know, have seen, you know, been able to work with Mayor Daley. There's also a lot

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political people who are not only against him, but vehemently against him. How does that work

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with the community? I mean, what do you see in terms of the black community in Chicago now,

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you know, in terms of Mayor Daley? Well, in terms of the mayor, the mayor hasn't made anybody angry.

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The mayor has basically been a good mayor, serving and being open to most of the people in Chicago.

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Even his critics, I think, would say that he has tried to reach out to them. And because they are

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opposed to the mayor, there are people who just, that's their, therefore somebody else and they're

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going to give the opposition. That's something that just can't be restrained, I don't think. I

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mean, and opposition is good. It's good for everybody, really. Everybody can't be going

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in the same direction. But I think that the mayor's success is that we do have access to the mayor.

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The leadership has access to the mayor and especially through the largest organization

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in the African-American community, and that is the church. Now, you came up in a politics that was

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really organizational based, where the precinct captains really went out and worked. The Aldermen

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really had a close connection to people. Things have changed a lot, haven't they? They have changed

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an awful lot since I came up in politics. The media, now, if a person does not have the kind

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of resources to get media attention, it's very hard for them to get to the voters. They don't have

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precinct captains because they don't have jobs to give them. The political jobs was a way to reward

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people who worked for you. And since you don't have that, you have to go to a community base

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of volunteers. And volunteers are just not going to do what people are going to do when it's their

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profession to go out and try to get the vote. So does that lead to less interest in the community,

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lower turnout? Well, I think it's left. I think it's led to lower turnouts in the community. And

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people are not as interested because when your neighbor can come and knock on the door and tell

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you that they want to talk to you about a candidate or they want to get you at a coffee sip and sit

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down and talk about a candidate, it means a lot more than seeing somebody on television that you've

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never seen before. And there's always conversation around the table today. This guy's not saying

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anything on the television, you know. But when your neighbor comes and if they're pretty well

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versed in who that person is, what their programs are and so forth, then you get a better feel for

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it. Now, in our community, we're not organized. In the other communities in the city, they're still

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bases of organization. We've allowed that to happen and we've allowed the media to come in and be

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the spokesperson for us because they said that politics was dirty and that everybody in politics

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was wrong. And we believe that. And that's just not the way it is.

